We are not adversaries to anyone, and we welcome any alliances to end the coup

We are not adversaries to anyone, and we welcome any alliances to end the coup

The Head of the Information and Culture Department of the Yemeni Islah Party, Ali Al-Jaradi, spoke frankly and transparently about Yemen's political developments and the roles of Islah and its position on many issues and events taking place in the Yemeni arena.

This came yesterday evening during a talk-show conducted by the announcer Aref al-Surmi for the program "Beyond the Politics" broadcast by "Yemen Shabab Satellite Channel" and this dialogue was recorded by the editor of "Alsahwa.net".

Al-Jaradi stressed that Islah today is the political leverage and the national pillar in the social and political life in Yemen, and the wall of resistance against the coup and rebellion in Yemen.

Al-Jaradi welcomed any internal or regional alliances within the framework of Yemeni legitimacy and the national project, pointing out that Saudi Arabia provides all forms of support to Yemen and the legitimate authority and also the United Arab Emirates that contributes effectively to the management of the Arab alliance.

He pointed out that prolonging the war increases tragedies, poverty and homelessness in Yemen. He added that it needs the GPC as a political force has an experience and has many wise-men who have participated in major political transformations in the country.

Al-Islah.net publishes the full text of the talk-show

Q: Mr. Ali, after three years of the war, where is Islah Party from what is happening today in Yemen?

Today Islah Party is the political leverage and the national pillar in the social and political life in Yemen. Islah Party today is the wall of resistance against the coup and rebellion in Yemen. Islah is a social expression of the identity of the Yemeni Arab society which we hope Yemen to be a cornerstone of regional and global stability. Today Yemen looks forward to end the coup with the presence of all the political and social forces involved in defeating the coup and also with the presence of the Arab Alliance, which achieved a lot to reach the final goals which is the return of the Yemeni state.

Q: Mr. Ali, there is some people say that the position of Islah Party is not clear, you do not speak in the media, you have the horror that everyone wants your head, what is the position of Islah from the Houthis group, this coup and the alliance with the Gulf countries?

The position of Islah Party from the coup and the rebellion is clear from the first day. It is nearly the only party that issued a Welcoming Statement to the Arab Alliance to defeat the rebel. Islah Party offers great sacrifices in the prisons and detention centers and the dislocation that its members subjected to. Also the involvement of Islah beloved and supporters in the National Army as is the case with are the rest of the social forces in Yemen, and it offers a lot in this section.

Today Islah and many political and social forces also constitute the political and social cover of Yemeni legitimacy. Today, Islah is resisting this coup strongly in the political, cultural and media fields and offers great sacrifices. We have a lot of detained journalists and media martyrs. As I said, today Islah with the rest of the political and social forces is the wall of the resistance against the coup, and we achieve a lot, we are on the outskirts of Sana'a and it is about to be the last-minute for the coup. Today, the distance between Midi and Hayes, and between them Hodeidah, is about to be closed, and with the closure of this coast line the last passage of the coup will be closed. For the Alliance and our position on it, we consider ourselves allies of our brothers in the Arab surroundings and the Arab, and we also ally to the Arab Alliance led by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the Emirates, Egypt, Sudan and the rest of the countries participating in the Arab Alliance, because Yemen is an integral part in the Arabian surroundings and it also, with its strategic location, represents a great importance to the neighboring countries.

Q: In Islah Party, you were the JMP partner in the transitional period that overthrows Ali Abdullah Saleh from power and handed over to President Hadi. In addition to the regime you received a state, a people and a revolution and all failed. This failure led us to this war, do not you think that Islah is a partner in all the failures that Yemen experienced?

Islah Party was a partner in power with a limited partnership of four ministers with the rest of the JMP and the GPC. By the way, the GPC had half of the government and the rest of the power joints. By the way, after the coup of September 21, 2014, we were in a meeting with the leadership of the GPC and I told them that the coup of the Houthi militias - which they supported logistically - was essentially a coup against the GPC itself, which was still the ruler, and today we are allies with the GPC within the framework of Yemeni legitimacy to defeat the coup. In any case, the failure was not the sense of failure. There may be a Yemeni failure in general and the Yemeni parties bear part of this failure because they did not play their real role in the transition process. The Authority did not transfer really to President Hadi, as he himself said that he received a flag without an army.

Q: Who will accept these justifications?

They will be accepted by the reality of today.

Q: The reality of the day says that the Yemenis were hoping to be the lifeline in order to be a people like the rest of the world and enjoy a society and a state. Who will forgive you this sin?

Political parties are the result of societies, whatever these societies are, and therefore the failure at any stage of the political and transitional transformations is a social expression and not attached to a political party. These parties and elites are the result of societies, and even the Houthi coup is an expression of our disappointment as Yemenis or it is the darkest part of our life in the sense of the failure of the National State, the failure of the republican project and the failure of the state. All this failure created a vacuum that allowed the emergence of such a coup and the spread of such racist ideas that bring us back to pre-history and state. If we talk about failure and success, we must talk about it in the context of the responsibility of society in all the spectrum, such as parties, unions, and organizations.

The end of the coup in Yemen is a strategic goal for the Gulf.

Q: Mr. Ali, all fears from the Gulf or the West states are that Islah may not be desirable to be the one who reaps the results and if the war ends, there are fears that things in Taiz or other will lead to Islah party. Does Islah bear the responsibility of the prolonging of the war, because the world is worried and does not want Islah to lead Yemen?

First, the Arab Coalition led by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the UAE have the seriousness to end the coup, because there is a feeling or perception that is no secret to anyone that the failure to defeat the coup in Yemen will have serious consequences on the level of the Arabian Peninsula and the Gulf. The end of the coup in Yemen is a strategic goal for the Gulf and stability in the region and the world. Islah has limited experience in political alliances in power, governance, and opposition. Islah has entered in five parliamentary, local and presidential elections, and has a wide political experience, where it had a large parliamentary bloc and has a big horizontal social and union extension, so this party recognizes the interests of Yemen and Yemenis as a whole and we have a political and democratic experience.

Yemen does not bear individual and autocratic rule

Q: Realizes the interests of Yemen! In other words, will you disappear from political life?

Islah is a social expression of a large segment of Yemenis and impossible to disappear any social expression, whether Islah or non-Islah. The social context in any society cannot be obliterated by a political decision. We know that we are in a transitional stage. Therefore, no political force can govern Yemen, as alone party, not only in governance but in administration. In the sense that Yemen in this transitional phase and the followed phase for many years needs a democracy that is not only numerical but may require a consensual and participatory democracy. In this regard, we have a number of initiatives on consensual democracy in the management of the next phase. Yemen does not bear at all any kind of singularity, whether it is dictatorship, racism or even the dictatorship of a party or singularity of a party in any way.

Historically, Yemen has not accepted this singularity, and the year of 2011 was the result of the singularity that pushed the Yemenis to overthrow the dictatorship and try to totalitarianism in political action. This Yemeni experience is present in political parties and forces, including Islah, and therefore we say that Yemen needs a consensual administration for this and the next stage, in accordance with the interests of Yemen and the interests of its neighbors.

Q: With regard to the alliance led by the Kingdom and the UAE, it appears that you are not allies of Saudi Arabia, but you appear to be the opponents of the UAE?

First, we do not think that we are adversaries to anyone, and we have never sent the message of the adversary to any side. On the contrary, we welcome any internal or regional alliances within the framework of Yemeni legitimacy and the national project. Saudi Arabia provides all forms of support to Yemen and the Yemeni legitimate authority. The United Arab Emirates is actively contributing to the management of the Arab Alliance. There are some comments on the performance of the UAE, including, for example, the inability of the legitimate authority to exercise its sovereignty and powers on the ground or to provide support for military devices outside the framework of legitimate authority, as noted in the UN report.

Q: Do you mean support for the security belt, the Shabwani elite or Tariq in Al-Mukha?

The United Arab Emirates role is active in the Arab Alliance. There are some notes mentioned even in the report of the Committee of Experts, and this is said by more than one Yemeni official, so this matter may be subject to discussion with Yemeni diplomacy and the president personally may play this role. I think there are currently efforts to put these issues on the table to be discussed within the framework of the Yemeni interest, the interest of the neighbors and the stability of the region. And any war of this magnitude, this cost and this totalitarianism existing today must have some kind of mistakes and the allies have to discuss these errors, and there is nothing spoil that there are mistakes whether issued by a regional or local and this issue easily can be exceeded.

Q: Is Islah party also an ally of the Saudi Arabia Kingdom and its leadership is in Riyadh? Sir, we did not see the fruit of this alliance? I mean, as it says, we hear a fanfare and we do not see anything?

If you mean that Islah establishes individual alliances, we do not make individual alliances. We appreciate the Saudi Arabia Kingdom for its standing with the Yemeni legitimacy in all its components, President, government, national parties and forces participating in the legitimacy. We consider this an alliance and we appreciate this move very much. We do not consider ourselves alone outside the context of Yemeni legitimacy in any political performance.

Part of the resistance and political action

Q: Islah Party, Are you the Yemeni resistance supporting the army?

No, we are not the resistance. We are part of the resistance. We are part of the political process. We are part of the legitimacy of Yemen. Any party, national bloc or any organization claims that is the resistance act, and the act that confronts the coup is a big mistake. We do not want to distinguish ourselves from our national or political partners by any act or formula. Although we believe that we have contributions that may be greater than others, that is because of the size, and not because we are more sacrifice than others, others are making sacrifices, but by their size.

Q: Is Islah Party the capital of Yemeni legitimacy and the Arab Alliance in confronting Houthis and supporting Yemeni political life? Or is Islah party the burden on the Arab Alliance that does not want Islah! It is also a burden on Yemen and Yemenis because it is a party surrounded by deductions on every side?

Not true, we are surrounded by many supporters and lovers at home and the region, why is it said that we have these deductions. Today, Islah as a political party and all the Yemeni parties such as the Socialist, Nasserite, Baath, Justice and Construction and all the existing political forces are a necessity for Yemeni life. The modern state today is based on political pluralism, freedoms, unions, and organizations. And the fall of such basic pillars of the state is the fall of the state and return to the pre-state stage of gangs and militias that result in the forces of extremism and terrorism, and therefore I hope not to drift in the issue of criminalization of political life as it was in the past period.

Q: Do you have sensors enable you to feel the size of the challenge that surrounds you? The size of the concern of the Alliance countries around you. The size of the fears of Westerners and Americans. The size of the problem of the Yemeni people and the government that you will be with all this burden as some may understand?

We do not feel the concerns that you feel in your question and in the nature of your interaction with the question, we do not have this feeling. Today our concern is about the country, our country as a whole is federal Yemen, Yemen of the political pluralism, Yemen, which we wish to be safe and stable, a source of safety for our brothers and the world. We do not have these fears, our fears today are focused on our country, and we want to restore the state and our homeland, including the republican system and political pluralism. The fate of Islah will be decided by the Yemenis as any people decide the fate of any party, organization or political bloc, and I say there is no need to fear. Sometimes, there is a kind of phobia that is created in front of the parties and this is a serious issue because its results are to allow the emergence of gangs and militias. Today we are supposed to be a positive factor in the growth and development of parties, for example now what is happening in Iraq.

Arab society and Arab countries are looking for an Arab identity, this Arab identity today is represented by the Yemeni political parties in its political and national depth. Why are we trying to break such major pillars? So, there will emerge cases will be benefited by Iran only. We note the Iranian arm, which is growing in more than one country in the Arab world, is a result of short-sighted policies that do not live up to the existential challenges and strategic interests represented by the existence of these political leverage in the Arab societies.

Do you think that the Houthi group is on its way to be a partner of the Yemeni people or is it a group that was born with weapons, breathing with blood and cannot live without weapons?

Unfortunately, Houthi group plunged into heavy deductions, not only military deductions but dropped the state. Today, its deduction is excessive in many files, for instance, file of detainees, file of death under torture, file of displacement, file of the bombing of houses and schools, file of the absence of opponents and the latest killing of President Saleh, today all these deductions committed by the Houthi militia will be difficult for it to live a natural political life, even that the conflict reached today within the Houthi group itself.

Internal liquidations in Houthi ranks

Q: Since the coup, there was an impression that the aim of this coup was to strike Islah group and uproot it from Yemeni political life and destroy the first Armored Division and kill Ali Mohsen, commander of the first Armored Division?

This may be a partial goal, but the ultimate goal is to end the political life. The racial and priestly families do not like political life, pluralism or freedoms, as evidenced by the fact that all journalists are displaced or imprisoned and all parties have been eliminated and harassed, as well as associations and unions. I told you earlier that this methodology does not allow any political life. Although there is a slogan to eliminate Islah, actually it was the known and declared goal, which is to control the Yemeni state and kidnapping and end the political life and return to rule of the ethnic family.

Q: At that stage, Islah Party was asked to carry arms and fight against the Houthis and prevent this coup, and as if Islah understood that the mere acceptance of the call to carry arms is a big trap?

In brief, any war outside the scope of the Yemeni state and constitutional and legal legitimacy is a civil war, whether sectarian, geographical, or even political. We do not accept to be in this situation or role, we are a Yemeni political party.

Aren't you within the resistance?

We are now within the framework of the legal constitutional legitimacy supported by the regional and international surroundings. We have the resolution 2216, and we refused to be a tool for civil, sectarian or regional war, but today within the framework of local and international legitimacy. We accept to be part of these forces fighting the insurgency and the coup.

Islah Party was almost the leader of the JMP in Yemen. Where is this JMP and where did it evaporate?

You know that the war has uprooted the Yemeni state and this Yemeni state with its all partisan components has been subjected to some kind of dredging, but today there is a political project for the JMP and a number of Yemeni parties that support the legitimacy and the theoretical framework has been completed and God willing it will be announced soon.

Our relation with the parties is good

Is the relationship of Islah party with the Yemeni parties in times of war still a good, or do we hear that the parties conspire or sell you at this time?

I think the relationship is good and on its way to be more than good..

What is the evidence?

There are many meetings and there is a political action charter that will be announced soon, but the circumstances of the war have psychological reflections even on the Yemeni society as a whole, and many observers, researchers, and journalists take many impressions of the social networking sites, more than the positions of the Yemeni parties. You perhaps noted or read from the statements issued either from Taiz, Aden or Riyadh from all the political forces, whether the JMP or the forces supporting the legitimacy, even if this relationship was exposed to some of colds during the war, but recovered within the framework of national consensus and vision.

We are with sustainable peace and pulling out the seeds of any future war

In fact, there are leaks of questions. These leaks say that there is a secret dialogue between Islah and the Houthis in Istanbul, what is the truth of this?

Our dialogue with the Houthi group is in the fronts and in the detention centers, we have not been exposed before more than what we are exposed to today by the Houthi group in all fields, and I'm astonished that this question comes from you despite you are prudent political and journalist!

How can we say that the legitimacy parties that resist the coup today are talking to Houthi? It is not true at all, we are with a sustainable peace that is pulling out the seeds of any future war, but within the framework of Yemeni legitimacy and international diplomacy. If the Houthi group accepts disarmament and ends the coup against the Yemeni state, we will be among the political forces that will enter any political process, without that, we will not be part of any dialogue as long as there is a coup and the Yemeni state is still kidnapped.

Q: In the political language, Mr. Ali, will we carry arms forever? Will we continue to fight till the Day of Resurrection?

The people who want liberation and all the nations that have passed through the transitional stages have paid the price. This war was imposed on us and was not an option for us. You know that we have finished the National Dialogue Conference and we were preparing to hold a referendum on the constitution of the federal state, and this coup caused all this destruction, so we will return to the stage of the outputs of the national dialogue, but we will not be able to return to this stage before ending the coup. Today, this coup carried arms against the Yemenis and kidnapped the Yemeni state, while the Yemenis today are playing this role to restore their state.

Q: How do you read the killing of former President Saleh by the Houthis?

It was a clear message that there is no room for any political action, if Houthi is killing and slaughtering his ally who offered him the facilitations, how will it be with the adversaries and with others?, I told you there is a methodological problem in the nature of the composition of this group, and it is based on the firm belief that Allah picked it to rule both in Yemen and abroad, where these ideas exist, and therefore these ideas do not accept political coexistence and alliances and do not accept that there is a view, a multiplicity or a choice other than what this group sees.

This war produced frightening things for the political reader in Yemen. How will we deal with the multiplicity of armies and warlords in Yemen after this war?

Interrupting, not Ali Mohsen but President Hadi has an army in Marib, Aden and in all provinces.

Resisting the coup under the banner of legitimacy

Q: It is said that Tariq has 10,000 fighters in Mukha, supported by the UAE. We have armies in Hadramout known as the Hadrami elite, the security belt, and the Shabwani elite. Where will these armies go when the war ends?

So, I say that Yemen is in a positive phase in fighting insurgency and coup. If you think about what happens in Syria and Libya and many historical experiences, if the armies and armed groups are multiple units even if they are within the framework of the unity of purpose in the restoration or liberation of the state or the restoration of the coup, and were not under one umbrella, here we should feel fear. In Yemen, there is a very positive situation, which is the presence of the president, government, legitimacy, and official institutions, and the whole army today is integrated in accordance with the military system and the decisions of the Republic headed by Hadi. Today the prime minister was in Hadramout - Mukalla, Saiaun - and held meetings and reviewed the army there, and the vice president is in Marib and Jawf, because we have an official legitimate institution. We say there are simple bumps, and today there is a realization that we need to resist the coup but under an official national flag because the multiplicity of these banners is a source of danger. I agree with you in this concern, we say from the national interest that those who have the interest of overthrowing the coup have to be organized under one banner and official institutions of legitimacy.

Q: If they do not organize under the banner of legitimacy and continue to fight the one opponent, which is the group of Houthis, then we will have two options, either they have the national doctrine to get rid of this opponent and then - at least - will be partners in reaping the fruit and sharing in the coming power, but in the case of the worst scenarios as some understand, these armies will fight with each other?

They will not fight with each other, I will tell you a model as an example in Taiz province. Last week, there were bets that there would be fighting but they surrendered to the local authority under the patronage of the governor. Today, government offices will be handed over to the Authority. I think those who we are afraid of them were also participants in the government and they have experience in power. They are well aware of what it means to be a person of them a statesman and is included in an official institution. I think that this issue is clear to all and there is almost an awareness of this point. I expect that we will overcome this point and everyone knows that the national interest requires that there be legitimacy and an official banner. It is not bad for all of them to exist today regardless of past sensitivities or those stages that brought us the rivalry. Today, under the objective of overthrowing the coup, we must unite but within a formal framework, the site that any person looks for outside the legitimacy will find it within the Yemeni legitimacy and thus protect ourselves from coming stage of fighting with the existence of legitimate authority.

Parties are a source of reassurance

Q: You in Islah are a source of concern for the Europeans and the Gulf. If you are a problem, what is our fault in Yemen? And if you are not a problem, give us the truth of your relationship with neighboring countries and make us safe from fear, sir?

We meet with the ambassadors you talk about, at least one meeting every month and we have contacts with them like the rest of the political forces. I do not know where this concern came from, but on the contrary, the world today sees the political situation in Yemen as a source of reassurance. Parties are a source of reassurance and a cornerstone of building a modern state. We are a political party that has political experience and elections before and everyone knows us. I do not think there is a source of concern in this sense, but there are some concerns that may come from here or there. They may look at the size of Islah compared to other forces. But we say that this size is not a source of concern, but will be a source of reassurance in political life through consensus with all parties in the administration of the country.

Q: Recently, Yemen has lived wars from the front, the war of summer 94 and the war of 2011 that lasted two months and then the war of 2015, which lasted until today. Islah was called in all these battles. Is Islah an entity close to the war, wherever this Islamic entity existed, found the war?

Wars are a feature of unstable societies that have not agreed on the essence of management of the power and wealth. In Yemen we have come a long way in that and reached the outcome of the National Dialogue to federal Yemen in accordance with a pluralistic political system and according to specific validities and hierarchies in the outcome of the dialogue of federal Yemen. This is the essence of the struggle in all parts of the ancient and modern world, which is the essence of a struggle based on who controls or manages power and wealth. If these forms are resolved despite they resolved at the National Dialogue Conference, this is a guarantee of long-term stability. Today, it is true that we live in a dark phase, but this stage is pre-dawn, God willing. Today, I do not think as Yemenis that there are those who did not know the lesson that we all lived, which is the loss of the country and the state, the main reason is to get out of these outputs, the coup and the kidnapping of the state.

So, the stability we are looking for is almost clear to all Yemenis and it is present in the outcomes of the National Dialogue and the establishment of a national state with a federal system. Almost this is the result that ensures that there is no conflict that arises from time to time. Those alien ideas, which believe that a specific category within the Yemeni people has the right to ownership, governance, administration, and control, lead to such conflicts. Therefore, Yemeni people have put an end to this matter in the outcomes of the National Dialogue.

Unity is not sacred, and also separation is not sacred

Q: Does the Islah Party have any concerns about Yemeni unity? How do you read the Transitional Council or these separatist tendencies that come from time to time?

I think that if we do the principle of division in political life, it will not stop at 90 or 67. The principle of division will not stop between the south and north lines. There will also be a division in the north and the south. Separation needs a state, unity needs a state, federalism also needs a state, necessities in human life and political rights need first to establish a state. Today the Yemeni state is subject to existential threat, which is the absence of the state. The restoration of the state is required by East, West, North, and South. The rest of the details, including the form of the state, can be subject to subsequent discussion. But today without the restoration of the state, there is no meaning for the talk neither unity nor separation.

Q: Do you have in the Islah Party a reading of the horizon and end of the war? When will it finish? What are the solutions? What is your vision for the end of the war and the solution as well?

We in the Islah Party, the political forces and the legitimacy of Yemen are ready to end this war within days if the Houthi group accept to handover the institutions of the state and end the coup in accordance with international resolutions. Ending the war today is related to the Houthi, which triggered the rebellion and the coup, and not the party that is looking for a return to the outcomes of the National Dialogue.

Q: This talk is illogical. The Houthi took power and tasted power and in he has retaliations in the size of a country, how can deliver his neck? And who will leave him if he delivered?

Deliver state, not the neck. After the end of the coup, Houthis can be within the political process in the country. There have been wars in so many countries and after wars, entered into a sustainable peace. There were reconciliation, reparation, and compensation for the victims, so Houthi could be part of any political process in the future if the coup ended, but without ending the coup I do not think anyone would accept this group to continue holds gun in order to turn its weapon against others and force them to any kind of acceptance.

It is not in Yemen's interest to dissolve the GPC

Q: With the killing of the former President Ali Abdullah Saleh, who was the president of the GPC, the killing of the leader of this party produced three wings of the GPC and perhaps more, are there fears of beating and uprooting Islah party? And what are the disasters that will result from the disposal of Islah party?

First, it is not in Yemen's interest that the GPC disappear. We believe that Yemen needs the GPC as a political force with experience and a number of wise people who have participated in major political transformations in the country. Islah is not afraid of what you say, as I told you before. Islah is a social expression and a political force existed on the ground. You can call it the national vein, the political leverage and the wall of resistance against the coup.

It is impossible to end any political party or entity according to political or security desires. We are aware that there are some political and security projects that do not want to see the Islah Party in Yemen, but these things are not achieved according to wishes or even a kind of conspiracy. Communities and the movement of societies are always overwhelming.

Q: Mr. Ali, how do you read the movement, behavior and positions of three UN Envoys who have not yet succeeded?

In short, the former UN Envoy said in his latest report to the Security Council that there were peace agreements that were waiting for the final signing, but that the Houthi group rejected peace. This is the summary of the multiplicity of peace envoys, so far there is a group that refuses to comply with peace and international resolutions.

Q: It cannot be said that there are international stations for this war in Yemen, the Ben Omar station, the Wuld Cheikh station and the Martin station, and it will not be the last one. Is this reading correct?

There is no doubt that the external factor has a significant impact on any situation within weak countries or classified as fragile countries, let alone when they are in a moment of war, the international impact is more severe, but the local decision remains related to the Yemenis. Yemenis can make their own choices.

The Houthi group is an Iranian tool

Q: Interrupting, are Yemenis still have their decision originally? Is Houthi's decision in Saada? Is the decision of legitimacy in Riyadh?

Yes at a specific moment if Houthi accepted to submit to the legitimacy and subjected to international resolutions. The decision of the legitimacy is related to President Hadi and the official institutions, although he is in Riyadh, but there is a peer and participative treatment, we are in the framework of the Yemeni interest and what links Yemen to the Arab countries. I believe that the Houthi group is close to being an Iranian tool and is used within the Iranian project that builds military arms with sectarian coverage to destabilize Arab societies. This is my own assessment and I think it is clear to all. Yemeni legitimacy has its own decision because in Kuwait it agreed and signed the peace plan, while the Houthi side could not sign because it is receiving its orders from Iran.

Q: How do you make it easy that the decision is still in the hands of the Yemenis and that Houthi can handover and that you can accept or reject it? Is it true that the Yemeni parties still have their decision or you all are not employees and implement all of them? This implements the policy of Iran and this implements the Gulf policy?

First of all, I object to the term 'you are tools and employees', but even our brothers in the Gulf countries do not want the war to continue and there is no political authority that wants to continue the war. What is the meaning of the continuation of the war? It is a financial, political and social cost. It is a great cost that is reflected even in the lives of people at home. No one wants to continue the war except in one case.

Continuing insurgency and coup represents a more costly threat than war. Today, why the Gulf states face rebellion and coup, because the Houthi group represents a danger to the southern gate of the island and the Gulf, if we could not eliminate this coup, it would be a threat to the neighboring Arab countries, so the cost of this war today for these countries is less harmful than if the Houthi group's plan continued to grow and control Yemen because Yemen would turn into a platform of intimidation against its neighbors.

Q: Can I read with you personally as a Yemeni educator who educates generations and takes them from schools and universities and then summons them after ten years to the fronts? What did we get?

The parties did not do this job. On the contrary, the political parties did the socializing job. I told you before that what you see is a failure of the national state project including the parties, the failure of the republican system and the failure of the education system. If these backward ideas come back after these decades, it is the logic of failure. But the political parties do not raise their members for what they say are political parties. At one point, the national duty required that these parties be in the face of rebellion and coup. The cadres of the parties joined this confrontation. Today, there is a large segment of Yemeni people who do not belong to any political parties. Today, there are people offering their souls. There are families with two or three martyrs. These families do not have a political affiliation. Today there is a national need to confront the coup. It is true that the parties have influence but they are not the decisive factor.

Immunization of national identity is a necessity to protect homelands

Q: How were we penetrated by Iran that simple? Where did the mosque, university, government and parties go? Have we failed to immunize Yemen from Iran?

Yes, we failed for several reasons. The first reason is that there is a crack in the Republican rank, by the Republican rank, I mean the GPC in the government or the national parties that represented the JMP. Unfortunately, this crack in the Republican ranks enabled Iran to infiltrate. There is an educational failure and a failure in identity and cultural subject, there was no cultural construction. The political systems went into a kind of building and turned into a ruling family that owned more than families running the government. This transformation, which made the political, security and military authorities devote themselves for the existence of the family, the party or the ruling regime, they did not devote themselves to the national project and its construction. Yes, there is a failure in the cultural identity and in the educational and partisan system and cracking in the republican system, and we have to take advantage of these lessons to carry out a process of correcting, building and reviewing either inside the Republican rank or within the political forces that believe in freedoms and political pluralism. This is important in the cultural case in the national affiliation in our curricula and media, for example, the Ministry of Culture had a minimal budget and a minimal performance, so far, such ministries are supposed to play a large role at the national level.

If the parties, social components, and social forces do not realize that the issue of fortifying the national and cultural identity is necessary to protect the homelands from the Iranian penetration and from the partition projects that are intended to be in the region on sectarian and ethnic bases. National cultural immunity is the only way today to face such projects.

Q: My last question is Mr. Ali. If the war lasts longer than that, what will Iran lose, which has no neighbors or borders with Yemen? What will happen to the Gulf States and Yemen if the war continues?

Iran will lose a lot, and you may follow up the Iranian currency that loses its value largely, even the American empire with its economy and its strength sees that the extension of its military arms outside the vital areas away from it represents a setback, so you notice that the United States is economizing on the issue of military arms abroad. How big is Iran to plant and feed all these military arms in Yemen, Syria and Iraq? Today, Iranian dream of a Persian Empire, which is based on the patronage of these military arms, reflects internally on the economic situation of the people.

Q: With regard to the risks of prolonging the war against the Yemenis and the Gulf national security?

There is no doubt that prolonging the war increases the tragedies of Yemen. Yemenis are below the poverty line and there are students out of schools and I consider this more dangerous than hunger. The existence of five million Yemenis outside schools will create a generation burdened by the tragedy of war and may have some psychological deviations that pose a dilemma in the future. Prolonging war anywhere is a tragedy and we hope it does not last long.

Q: I think I bothered you with many questions. Is there anything you want to say?

I think nothing remains and thank you very much for this wonderful performance and good questions.a

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